published: 18.09.2013, 07:18 | updated: 18.09.2013 07:41:31
Prague - Parties are making promises before elections, but the after-election reality is different, Petr Honzejk writes in daily Hospodarske noviny (HN) about the end-Otober early general elections.
The generous Social Democrats (CSSD) were making cuts wherever possible after the 2002 elections, which their chairman Bohuslav Sobotka, then finance minister, probably remembers, Honzejk writes.
He writes that the right, swearing in 2010 on individual responsibility and low contributions, raised taxes wherever possible.
But people should not be angry with the left, they should not be angry with the right. Promises are an old-established game at the economic autonomy of politics, Honzejk writes.
However, the external circumstances in the unified Europe, hit with turbulences of the globalised economy, are stronger than anything that can be secured on the national level, Honzejk writes.
Does this mean that it is hopeless to go to the polls? No, people should be looking for those who will not worsen the situation. They should not ask who will give more, but who will steal less, Honzejk writes.
The ongoing election campaign has one substantial weak point from the point of view of voters, Jan Keller writes in Pravo and adds it is no good to read the manifestos of the running parties if it is not known what post-election coalition the winning parties will form.
Politicians have got used to saying coalitions are only formed after the elections and depending on the election result. They justify any revision of their parties´ pre-election promises with the need to strike compromises, Keller writes.
Party leaders should clearly say with whom they are ready to count and who is completely unacceptable for them as a coalition partner, Keller writes.
He writes that in the opposite case the elections will really be free only for the parties.
Elsewhere in Pravo, Alexandr Mitrofanov writes that politicians like to refer to great historical figures in their election campaigns, like Green chairman Ondrej Liska is doing when speaking about the late president Vaclav Havel.
The way of current President Milos Zeman to Prague Castle would hae been more complicated if he had not mentioned the myth of first Czechoslovak president Tomas Garrigue Masaryk, Mitrofanov writes.
It is not by chance that Zeman likes to evoke Masaryk´s personality because a greater part of the population still have a traditional uncritical respect for the figure at Prague Castle as a substitute for the former monarch, Mitrofanov writes.
Zeman also likes to mention another Czech legend, the late shoemaker Bata, whose myth is, however, much more strongly and quite successfully used by businessman Andrej Babis, who wants to become a politician and finance minister, Mitrofanov writes.
He writes that the growing preferences of his ANO movement show that the stereotype of a strict, but just rich man who thinks of people, has not got lost and that it is surviving together with the myths of Masaryk and Havel.
No shady sides of the mythical figures are admitted. That is why they often become hostage of smaller personalities as well as non-personalities who lust for power. The dead cannot defend themselves, Mitrofanov writes.
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