published: 25.10.2013, 07:24 | updated: 25.10.2013 07:31:57
Prague - The current Czech developments are something more than a mere swing of the pendulum leftwards, which is quite expectable after five years of economic recession and rising unemployment. They actually show the Czech scene´s diversion from liberal democracy, Martin Weiss writes in Lidove noviny (LN) today.
Personal charisma and presentation of strength by party leaders prevails over neutral rules and manifestos, Weiss writes.
No one shows interest in ideologies any more. The system has got so distorted that it does not deserve but contempt. Even some popular parties have vowed not to join the government if they succeed in the early elections this weekend, Weiss says.
As a result, the political scene is totally unpredictable, since the methods launched by the new type of groupings have been tested never before.
When the elections were called this summer, no one expected a decline in the popularity of the presidential party SPOZ, while no one expected a steep rise of the then rather unknown ANO movement, Weiss writes.
The rise of new leaders would have been impossible without the Czechs switching from the ideal of personal autonomy and freedom to the principle of subordination to leaders who give jobs to their favourites, Weiss writes.
This year´s election campaign was not accompanied by any unfair provocation, unlike the campaign in 2006, when the infamous "Kubice report" appeared to blacken the Social Democrats (CSSD) and their chairman Jiri Paroubek, and in 2010, when the rightist camp came up with a very unfair warning against the "Greek path," Jan Keller writes in Pravo.
Nothing from the defamations in the Kubice report has been proved true since, but some persons behind this manipulative document have been promoted in the meantime, Keller continues, alluding to the promotion of Jan Kubice, former head of the police organised crime squad, to the post of interior minister.
As far as the "Greek path" is concerned, the right-wing cabinet, which ruled from 2010 to June 2013, tried to tackle the Czech state debt, but instead of healing the ailing economy, they put it in a deep freezer. They deep-froze wages, deep froze investments as well as the economic growth, Keller writes.
Then they rejoiced at the dead state body´s sinking temperature, he adds.
It is good that no manipulations preceded the general election which starts today. Let´s hope that this first good news linked to the election is not the last one at the same time, Keller concludes.
In Hospodarske noviny, Petr Fischer writes that the Party of Citizens´ Rights - the Zemanites (SPOZ) and the Chin Up election bloc seem to have a little chance of entering parliament though the former has been supported by President Milos Zeman and the latter by former president Vaclav Klaus.
Czech active voters seem to be well aware of who prompted the decline of the Czech politics and they do not allow themselves to be misled by advertising campaigns, old faces on billboards or by the preferences declared by Zeman and Klaus, Fischer writes.
He alludes to the widely criticised power sharing pact from 1998-2002, under which Klaus´s senior opposition Civic Democrats (ODS) kept Zeman´s Social Democrat (CSSD) minority government afloat in exchange for a portion of power.
On Thursday, Zeman appealed on people to take part in the weekend general election. However, it was the above power sharing pact, known as "opposition agreement," to which people reacted by shunning elections, Fischer writes, adding that the election turnout decreased in 2002 and has kept at 58-64 percent since.
It was the Zeman-Klaus pact that made politics untrustworthy in voters´ eyes and that started the worst, still persisting period of Czech politics, Fischer writes.
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