published: 31.08.2013, 12:57 | updated: 31.08.2013 13:02:11
Prague - Raising the tax for people with a gross monthly income over 100,000 crowns, which the Czech Social Democrats (CSSD) plan to do after their expected election victory, is a mere symbolical act that would not help the lower income groups at all, Martin Zverina says in Lidove noviny (LN).
In accordance with the old and widespread Czech tradition of envy and egalitarianism, it is tempting and easy [for the CSSD] to point at a group of inhabitants and say that they deserve being ripped off, Zverina writes.
However, the step would bring only a few billion crowns to the state budget, therefore it cannot help the lower income people whom the CSSD says it wants to protect, Zverina writes.
Progressive tax is usual in countries to the west of the Czech Republic. However, though the income inequality in these countries is far higher, high-income people there are not subject to so strong political hatred as in the Czech Republic, Zverina writes.
Being a protector of the poor does not mean imposing a higher tax on their more successful fellow citizens. It would mean granting reliefs to the poor, which the CSSD cannot promise, however, Zverina states.
Until June it seemed that the Social Democrats (CSSD) are sure of comfortably winning the nearest general election, but their triumph is far from certain now that the CSSD´s troubles are being handled by courts and that new rival parties have mushroomed on the Czech scene, Jiri Hanak writes in daily Pravo.
Fortunately, these new parties offer programmes that are suspicious at first glance, he says.
It is not clear what people can expect from the new parties established by senator Tomio Okamura and former education minister Josef Dobes, Hanak continues.
Of the other two new parties, Andrej Babis´s ANO wants to direct the state as a business company, while the programme of the Party of Citizens´ Rights - the Zemanites, controlled by President Milos Zeman, exclusively rests in spreading the brilliant ideas of its presidential guru, Hanak says.
Both last mentioned parties attract political nobodies whom they are trying to promote as personalities. It is understandable that voters resent the big traditional political parties, but what do they expect from these "collections of zeros" who even lack competent leaders? Hanak asks, alluding to the newly emerged entities.
Elsewhere in his article in Pravo, Hanak says that if the CSSD wins the October early election, still it will not be clear "what CSSD has actually won," whether the sovereign and autonomous CSSD or the presidential one which is a devoted servant of Zeman.
Hanak alludes to the CSSD´s division into the factions of Zeman´s opponents and Zeman´s allies.
Zeman´s allies in the party are openly and shamefully striving to oust CSSD chairman Bohuslav Sobotka and his people, who are critics of Zeman, Hanak writes.
Many supporters of the CSSD fear that by casting their ballots for the CSSD they would actually back Zeman, Hanak continues.
Even if the Sobotka-led CSSD won as many as 35 percent of the vote, Zeman and his allies in the CSSD may state that the result is weak and that Sobotka failed as the party´s election leader, Hanak writes.
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